Monday, June 29, 2009
We live in a paradox
Actually I am reading books. I am still reading Against the Day, the monumental and awesome Thomas Pynchon book, which I had to put away after a while when I realized the Chums of Chance and the retreat into altered history and the buzzing Lovecraftian beings without pathos were not all going to be explained, but were parallel threads overleaving themselves with each other. I do understand what the novel is up to, finally, (p. 657 or so). The doubling that time is weirdly involved with: the alternative realities in all of us, the reversals of contemporary virtualities by repositioning them in history differently.
And Van Dieman's Land, by James Boyce. A little bit. But mostly it's -- let's go to the INTERNET! EBSCO, JSTOR, etc. etc.
Monday, June 15, 2009
Who can keep up?
By Friedrich Rudolf Baudert, Timothy J. Keegan
Published by Van Riebeeck Society, The, 2004
ISBN 0958452229, 9780958452229
Colin Rae's Malaboch: The Power of the Book in the (Mis)Representation of Kgalui Sekete Mmalebh
Author: LIZ KRIEL a
Affiliation: a University of Pretoria,
DOI: 10.1080/02582470208671417
Publication Frequency: 4 issues per year
Published in: South African Historical Journal, Volume 46, Issue 1 May 2002 , pages 25 - 41
Thursday, June 11, 2009
Wittgenstein is remarking on this passage in Frazer’s Golden Bough:
Acknowledging that perhaps some of Ellenberger’s and Breutz’s
In the winter,
ONGOING: EXCISED FOOTNOTE TEXT FROM MS., "POPULAR POLITICS IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA, 1400 - 1948"
Thank you to Karen Milbourn
ONGOING: EXCISED FOOTNOTE TEXT FROM MS., "POPULAR POLITICS IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA, 1400 - 1948"
The “dynasties” and “titles” among Rozvi-connected chiefs in David Beach’s reconstructions of Shona political history,
and the new “peoples” or “the earliest tribes” (the Bahurutshe, Barolong, etc.) in South Africanist anthropology, are in this reading part of a single, larger phenomenon, with different levels of wealth and stability.
And Christianity
only grew with acolytes decades later, when deploying the same vocabulary on behalf of genuine leaders became absurd or criminal.
Later, with the growth of amakholwa Christian communities south
the Thugela River, “Natal Kaffirs” of Fingo (mfengu: refugee) background, Zulu came to have a broader meaning still, and led by teachers, clerks, and venders, it became a subnationality, with vital connections to the house of Cetshwayo, yet subject to the stresses of urban and rural divisions and gender conflicts. Such struggles over the speakings of “zulu” redefined the word further, and by the late 1910s it had become an ethnicity, independent of any royalist connection, as royalist Zulus tossing sand in graves with their spears might nonetheless be Christians in good standing.
ONGOING: EXCISED FOOTNOTE TEXT FROM MS., "POPULAR POLITICS IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA, 1400 - 1948"
Robert Moffat, Apprenticeship at Kuruman: Being the Journals and Letters of Robert and Mary Moffat, 1820-1828 (ed. Isaac Schapera)(London: Harrow, 1951).
Thomas Arbousset, Voyaqe d’exploration aux Montagnes Bleues (Paris: Societe des Missions Evangeliques, 1933), 90; Robert Moffat, Missionary Labours and Scenes in South Africa, 261.
We are in a blur in the middle of the imperial century,
the nineteenth century, observing it as if from a moving train.
In South Africa “ancestor” did not indicate a “kind”
of “supreme being” (as in the strongest god of a pantheon, or a “remote God”); nor a projection of a principle (light, air, fire), a first ancestor, or any supreme personhood at all to great heights or potency as a controlling figure, power, or central symbol. There is a little evidence counter to my hypothesis here, notably Lichtenstein’s early (Foundations, 1807) understanding of modimo as a remote and distant deity; and Chidester, Savage Systems, 182. But the term did not mean the creator of the elements, earth and the heavens.